The Access Initiative

Empowering indigenous communities of Villarrica and Licanray

A Mapuche settlement in the Cautin Province, IX Region of Chile, has been affected by the emission of pollutants into the river channel, the management of the disposal of solid construction waste and the use of medication for the fish. This community is unprotected and uninformed about how can enforce their rights. Therefore, FIMA developed a campaign to advise the indigenous communities in the area of Villarica and Licanray on the drafting and presenting of an injunction before the Environmental Agency (SMA). As a result, every verified infraction was reported to the SMA and an extensive investigation is carried out. In addition, during November 2014, FIMA developed a two-day training workshop in environmental education and empowerment for the community, which was very successful.

The objectives were:

  • To ensure the awareness of the legal instruments available for the community.
  • To guarantee the protection and the safeguarding of their environmental and indigenous rights.
  • To include the community in the process and encourage the participation.

At the end of the course a forum was held to discuss all the topics, make questions and reflect about further directions. In addition, regulation and indigenous consultation were covered.

This campaign will continue with the aim to inform all the communities, and it is expected another session will be organized dedicated to the knowledge of water rights and how to protect them, and the paths available for environmental justice.

Holistic and Integrated Approach to Access Rights (HIAAR)

The main objective is to create networks of NGOs/CSOs that will leverage on each other strength while synergizing on its purpose. Pilot projects initiated under this campaign will always focus on creating a strong value chain between all actors that will institutionalize solutions between NGOs, Communities, and Local Governments. This network will provide a stronger advocacy voice that will result in better policies and action plans by authorities and government.

The Best and Worst Countries for Environmental Democracy

By Jesse Worker (Posted: May 20, 2015)

The environment and human well-being are inextricably linked. When governments, businesses and others make decisions about land and natural resources, they inevitably impact the health, livelihoods and quality-of-life of local communities. So it stands to reason that the public should have a right to be involved in environmental decision-making—specifically, to know what is at stake, to participate in the decision itself, and to have the ability to challenge decisions that disregard human rights or harm ecosystems. These three fundamental rights are known as environmental democracy—and not all nations provide it to their citizens. The new Environmental Democracy Index (EDI) is the first-ever online platform that tracks and scores 70 countries’ progress in enacting national laws that promote transparency, accountability and citizen engagement in environmental decision-making. The analysis, based on 75 indicators, identifies the best and worst countries for environmental democracy. The results may surprise you.

The Top Countries with Strong National Laws for Environmental Democracy

The top three countries are all former Soviet states—Lithuania, Latvia and Russia. Many of their relevant national laws were enacted as part of democratization reforms in the 1990s and the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe’s (UNECE) legally binding Aarhus Convention on access to information, public participation and access to justice in environmental matters. Lithuania and Latvia have both ratified this convention and strengthened their legislation after doing so, such as Lithuania’s amendments to its Law on Environmental Protection and Latvia’s passage of its Environmental Protection Law. Russia in particular may stand out to some as surprising, especially in light of several environmental activists recently fleeing the country out of fear for their freedom and safety. Therein lies a powerful lesson: Countries’ national laws may be quite progressive on paper, but the enforcement of those laws is oftentimes weak or subject to corruption. All of the top 10 performers have statutes to support the public’s right to access government-held environmental information such as forestry management plans or mining permits, and all of them require at least a majority of government agencies to place environmental information like air and drinking water quality information in the public domain. While public participation scored the lowest across the index, all of the top 10 countries provide the public with the right to participate in major, national environmental decisions, such as infrastructure projects, forest management planning, pollution permitting and more. Lithuania stands out for having the highest score on the justice pillar. Its Civil Procedure Code and Law on Environmental Protection provides for communities to bring environmental cases in the public interest. What’s also interesting about the top 10 performers is that wealth is not necessarily the defining factor of strong environmental democracy laws. Panama and Colombia are resource-strapped nations, and South Africa is an upper middle income country; nevertheless, they’ve committed to enacting strong environmental laws.

The Lowest-Scoring Countries for Environmental Democracy

Haiti, Malaysia and Namibia scored lowest on the index. Of the bottom 10 countries, some had right-to-information laws, but most lacked provisions requiring that government agencies proactively make environmental information public. In countries like Philippines, Republic of Congo and Pakistan, citizens need to go through time-consuming or expensive information requests to obtain crucial information like statistics on air or drinking water quality. The government may or may not honor these formal requests. Many of the bottom performers also lacked requirements on collecting environmental information and monitoring compliance. National governments in Ethiopia, Nicaragua, Guatemala, Bangladesh and Thailand do not actually ensure that factories, mines and other facilities aren’t harming people or the planet. And requirements for public participation in these countries are almost always limited to environmental impact assessments, leaving out other important decisions such as the development of forest management plans, protected area policies or environmental protection laws. One positive note is that even at the bottom of the list, Saint Lucia, Nepal, Sri Lanka and the Republic of Congo allow an individual to file lawsuits in the public interest. Otherwise, the right to challenge or appeal government or private sector decisions is not as well established in these countries.

There’s Room for Improvement Across the Board

Even in countries that scored relatively well, there’s still room for improvement. Almost 50 percent of the countries assessed, for instance, are not making real-time air quality data available online for their capital cities. And while nearly half of the countries require agencies to monitor environmental compliance, 64 percent of those with laws on the books do not release any information to the public on emissions or wastewater discharges, pollutants that can impact human health and the environment. And even if countries have strong laws on the books, it doesn’t mean that they are adequately enforced. EDI measured countries based on the existence of national laws, not implementation. However, supplemental to the legal index, EDI includes 24 indicators on environmental democracy in practice. These indicators are not comprehensive, but they do provide some key insights to allow some comparison with legal scores. National laws aren’t the only way to improve environmental democracy, but they’re an important first step. EDI can help governments who want to promote transparent, inclusive and accountable environmental decision-making by providing an index to benchmark progress, as well as examples of good practices from around the world. It’s time to give citizens a voice—for the good of the planet, and for the good of communities around the world.

COMUNICADO: Latinoamérica y el Caribe iniciaran en el 2015 la negociación de un convenio regional sobre los derechos de acceso

By Daniel Barragan (Posted: November 19, 2014)

El inicio de esta negociación es una buena noticia para la región ya que significa que en el mediano plazo los países de América Latina y el Caribe (ALC) contarán con un instrumento para garantizar un ejercicio efectivo de los derechos de acceso y para una mejor canalización y resolución de los crecientes conflictos socio-ambientales, con el consiguiente mejoramiento de la gobernabilidad democrática.

Con el compromiso asumido el pasado 6 de noviembre en Santiago de Chile por parte de los Gobiernos de Latinoamérica y el Caribe, y que da vida a un comité de negociación de un instrumento jurídico internacional, la ciudadanía de la región está cada vez más cerca de contar con una herramienta de carácter internacional que garantice la aplicación efectiva de los derechos de acceso a la información, participación y justicia en asuntos ambientales. Los llamados derechos de acceso, esenciales para la protección de nuestros recursos naturales, la garantía de los derechos de las comunidades y el desarrollo sostenible de nuestros países.

Representantes de 19 países de América Latina y el Caribe firmantes de la Declaración del Principio 10 -que promueve los derechos de acceso a la información, participación y justicia en asuntos ambientales-, junto con representantes de los países observadores y actores de la sociedad civil, se congregaron en la Cuarta Reunión de los Puntos Focales designados por los gobiernos de los países signatarios de la Declaración sobre la aplicación del Principio 10 de la Declaración de Río sobre el Medio Ambiente y el Desarrollo en América Latina y el Caribe realizada del 4 al 6 de noviembre en la sede de la CEPAL en Santiago, Chile. Como resultado de esta reunión se aprobó la Decisión de Santiago, en la cual se incluyeron puntos fundamentales para la continuación de la negociación regional, entre ellos la adopción de los contenidos de San José (provenientes de la anterior reunión de grupos de Trabajo en Costa Rica), como índice de temas para la negociación del instrumento, la creación de un comité de negociación en el que se reafirma la importancia de la participación del público, y la inclusión de nuevos países en la Mesa Directiva encargada de dirigir el proceso.

Photo Essay: A Global Gathering for Environmental Rights

Article by Alisa Zomer, Yale F&ES ’14 (Posted: November 10, 2014)

The murals and graffiti that define public space in Bogota give an impression of the country’s creativity, diversity, and struggle. Emerging from a period of political and social unrest, Colombia is enjoying a period of economic growth and positive international attention. As an example of what is possible, Colombia is the perfect place for civil society to gather from around the world to learn from one another, share strategies, and get energized to move on important environmental rights. This year’s gathering, hosted by Colombian Asociacion ambiente y sociedad, had 95 representatives from over 40 countries. It focused on the intersection between technology and forest management. A defining moment of diversity and group-think was during the exercise “Agree, Disagree, Unsure.” Participants came up with controversial statements (i.e. ‘using technology is necessary for environmental protection,’ ‘democracy does not work for the environment,’ ‘business must be part of the solution,’ ‘there is no sustainable mining,’) and were asked to take a position and discuss. It was valuable to see the wide range of positions on seemingly simple issues and especially interesting experiencing participants persuade others to join their side – all with appreciation and respect.

View the full story here: http://epi.yale.edu/the-metric/photo-essay-global-gathering-environmental-rights

Gobernanza ambiental: una evaluación del Principio 10 en el Ecuador

Published: 2013

En el plano ambiental, la información y el derecho de acceso a la misma adquieren relevancia no sólo porque esta permite a la población tomar decisiones cotidianas, contribuir a la protección del medio ambiente y fomentar la mejora de las actuaciones ambientales de la industria.

También porque las decisiones del gobierno y de actores privados necesitan fundamentarse en el conocimiento actualizado del estado de los elementos del ambiente y sus implicaciones en los ecosistemas, en la salud humana y en las condiciones de vida de la población.

A raíz de la aprobación de la Constitución del 2008 se estableció un nuevo marco que refuerza y garantiza el cumplimiento de los derechos de acceso a la información, participación ciudadana y justicia ambiental. En este contexto, el CEDA consideró importante realizar un nuevo esfuerzo de investigación que permita obtener evidencia actual sobre el estado de implementación y ejercicio de los derechos de acceso.

Esta investigación busca generar evidencia concreta que permita desarrollar recomendaciones posteriores, acciones y propuestas puntuales que aporten a la retroalimentación de la política nacional y ambiental vigente y en los esfuerzos de creación de capacidades impulsados por el gobierno.

Democracia Ambiental y Desarrollo Sostenible: Hacia un Instrumento Regional sobre Derechos de Acceso

Published: 2014
Hacia un Instrumento Regional sobre Derechos de Acceso

En la Conferencia de las Naciones Unidas sobre Desarrollo Sostenible celebrada en junio de 2012, conocida como Río+20, se inició un proceso tendiente a lograr la firma de un instrumento regional en América Latina y el Caribe sobre los derechos de acceso a la información, participación pública y justicia en materia ambiental. Estos derechos se encuentran recogidos en el Principio 10 de la Declaración de Río sobre Desarrollo y Medio Ambiente, y por lo mismo constituyen los elementos fundacionales del desarrollo sostenible. 17 países de la región, representando a más de 500 millones de personas, se encuentran participando del proceso denominado “hacia un instrumento regional para la cabal implementación de los derechos de acceso”. ¿Cómo se origina esta iniciativa? ¿Cuál es la relación entre los derechos de acceso, el desarrollo sostenible y la democracia ambiental? ¿Cuáles han sido los hitos del proceso hasta ahora? ¿Qué se espera en el 2014 y a futuro? Este artículo aborda estas preguntas y analiza el potencial impacto de un instrumento jurídicamente vinculante sobre los derechos de acceso para la democracia ambiental en la región.